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The architecture of Ahmadabad has a unique richness, both
in its religions and in its domestic forms. The carved
wooden facades of traditional houses are in no way interior
artistically to the elaborately sculptured details on
sandstone mosques or marble temples. As a study of
Ahmadabad's houses reveals, all of the three major
communities living in the city—Jains, Hindus and Muslims —
have contributed significantly to its traditional domestic
architecture. In order to have a better understanding of
these houses, it is useful (o relate them to their cultural
and urban context.
City Form
Since: it was founded in t411 on the eastern bank of the
Sabarmati, Ahmadahad remained; in irregular semi-circular
city defined by fortification walls which played an
important role in the defence of the city. It was only at
the beginning of the twentieth century that attempts were
first made to pull the walls down, thus leading to a major
metamorphosis in which the city rapidly expanded outwards
in different directions.
Besides (he development of a royal complex with
fortifications, neighbourhoods called Puras emerged as
.self-sufficient residential units during the reign of
Mahmud Begra (1458-1511). This ruler assigned various areas
within the city limits to his commanders for accommodating
their followers. The result was the formation of distinct
localities which were named after the different commanders.
These 1'uras exist even today, although most of the
dwellings in these areas are of later origin. The Puras
have a distinct identity of their own, and together they
appear like a cluster of small villages somewhat randomly
distributed within the urban confines. However, a closer
scrutiny reveals a definite pattern structured by linking
together the twelve city gates to the central area in the
vicinity of Manek Chowk, the main commercial hub ofthe
city. This resulted in the creation of a radial pattern of
streets. Over a period of time, four more gales were added
to the city walls.
Pols
After the communal riots of 1714, Ahmadabad's population
sought greater security by living together in closely
associated groups within pols. The typical pol is a small
residential unit consisting of a single street with a group
of houses, It is a kind of micro neighbourhood, usually
protected by a gate at the entrance. These pols developed
further as the process of densification continued; today
they are a special feature of old Ahmadabad. Traditionally,
the main considerations for living within a particular pol
were the religion and caste of the inhabitants. Compact
housing clusters with dead-end streets formed distinctive
residential patterns. The pols were even self-sustainable
over a period of time since each house had its own storage
for water and food grain, a tradition that continues today.
The geometric form of the pols varies throughout Ahmadahad.
There are areas where the pol has a definite rectilinear
pattern, but in most parts of the city an organic pattern
prevails. As far as scale is concerned a strong consistency
can be observed. It is safe to conclude that the street of
the pol has been the most dominant form of community space
in Ahmadabad throughout the centuries. Some of the oldest
pols are Mhurat Pol, Mandvi-ni-Pol and Lakha Patel-ni-Pol,
all concentrated in the central part of the walled city.
Although these pols are becoming congested due to
overpopulation, we may still discern a sense of pride in
their residents.
House Form
While the layout of most houses in old Ahmadabad conforms
to a general pattern, we can see how they have been adapted
to different circumstances. Typologically, most houses are
deep, with a narrow frontage which opens onto a narrow
street. Along its longer sides, the house shares walls with
the adjoining properties. Normally, the house occupies the
entire plot of land available to the owner. This has
resulted in a very densely built environment, made somewhat
"porous" by the streets and the courtyards within the
houses. This has added greater importance and meaning to
the courtyards, also to the thresholds connecting the
houses with the streets. A threshold is the transition
between inside and outside, and is therefore elaborate both
in conception and in detail, though small in scale. This
element is invariably accompanied by a platform known as
the otla. Depending upon the community, the otla can be an
extremely busy area where several activities are carried
on, or it may function just as an entrance, as can be
observed in the houses of certain Muslim communities.
The major components of Ahmadabad's traditional houses are
identified by their particular names rather than by their
functional allocations. There is no "living room", "dining
room" or "bedroom" as such. The nomenclature is basically
Gujarati, the local language, and is common for the houses
of all three major communities. Naming these elements
begins at the street level with the otla. This entrance
platform often has a row of columns supporting a facade
which projects outwards as one moves upwards to the
different floors. The otla is like a preamble to the actual
threshold which is called the umro. Besides accommodating
the extended activities of the house, the otla has great
ritual significance for Hindus since religious activities
take place there. However, when a similar house is used by
a Muslim family, the otla loses its significance because
the activities extending outwards from the house are
limited due to notions of privacy.
The front area of the house is a reception space, a kind of
sitting room sometimes called the baithak. The inner part
of the house, the courtyard or chowk, is the most important
element, ft is this central open space which controls all
the other spaces of the house since these are usually built
around it. A slight change in level may signify the
transition between the chowk and its surrounding areas. Not
only arc the social and family needs satisfied by the chowk,
this part of the house also responds to climatic needs.
Since it signifies the outside realm within the confines of
the house, the facades that surround the chowk receive
particular attention; their decorated elements are often a
showpiece for the family. The verandah-like space called
the parasal that often surrounds the chowk is also used as
another zone of family activities. Among the rooms of
lesser importance is the ordo used both for storage and for
sleeping. House roofs are mostly sloping, but those
portions which are flat (agasi) arc used for sleeping
outside during the summer nights, and also for drying and
spreading out articles in the open.
While there arc no major differences in the forms of houses
used by various community and caste groups, certain details
do vary. Muslim houses, in particular, have been somewhat
improvised and adjusted. Two major differences occur due to
the need for privacy and to the different eating habits
which influence the plan organization and space utilization
of the house. Whereas cooking itself is given a lot of
importance in Hindu and Jain houses, resulting in more
elaborate and often larger kitchens, a typical Muslim
house, even in wealthier households, has a smaller and
.simpler kitchen. Dining is an important, almost
ritualistic, activity in Muslim homes, resulting in more
space for eating. Privacy for women has created two
distinct zones in Muslim residences. This results in a kind
of living-entrance area in the front of the house where
visitors are welcome; for the family and closer relatives,
though, a living room at the rear of the house is more
commonly used. In all houses, irrespective of community
type, the stairway is invariably close to the entrance.
Construction techniques of traditional houses of Ahmadabad
can be classified as composite. The structural system is
essentially trabeate, with carved wooden posts and beams,
and infill of brick panels. Facades are treated with wooden
elements used structurally as well as decoratively; on the
whole, the structure remains light. Such traditional
building methods have always been craft-oriented since
design and construction were mostly standardized. The only
improvisations are in the details of the carving.
Invariably, the quality of the carving was excellent, and
until recently many of Ahmadabad's houses retained
outstanding examples of ornamented wood-work. Most of the
decorative treatment in Hindu and Jain houses focuses on
symbolic forms with floral and geometric patterns. In
Muslim houses, where non-figural patterns are preferred,
there are no images of gods, people, birds or animals.
Wood-work
Among the principal building materials used in Gujarat,
carved stone and wood stand out for richness of expression.
With both these materials we can observe elaborate details
of carving. In the construction of houses and mansions or
havelis, wood predominates, with stone used only for pillar
bases called kumbhis. Not only did wood provide a strong
structural system for house building, it was also an
excellent material for carving various elements such as
pillars, capitals, brackets, lintels, balconies and eaves.
"Compared to stone, wood because of its plasticity lent
itself to a variety of adaptations in form and design and
quickness of execution. There was a severe competition
between the stone- and wood-carver to excel each other in
the perfection of his workmanship by introducing elaborate
details and variety of ornamentation. The rivalry between
the two was healthy, each imitating and accepting the best
of the art evolved by the other. It is for this reason that
there has been in Gujarat great kinship between wood and
stone sculpture both of which have displayed unique
similarity in design and form. But no other art has shown
that diversity and richness which wood-carving has done.
Whereas constructive architecture and idols are the
principal subjects worked in stone, wood has, besides these
two, many other alternatives in furniture, vehicles,
articles of household use, etc., the decoration of which
has not been the good fortune of stone carvers to attempt
because of the innate limitation of the matter. There has
thus been a rich assortment and diversification of the
ancient art of wood-carving, which was both constructive
and decorative, architectural as well as utilitarian,
capable of abundant display of such a wide array of
splendid forms and design." Fortunately, several examples
of such wooden houses can still be seen not only in
Abmadabad, but in several other towns of Gujarat as well.
Within the old city of Ahmadabad itself, there are more
than four hundred houses which belong to this tradition.
Several of these are elaborately decorated structures which
are threatened by neglect and commercialism. It is not
uncommon to find owners demolishing their houses in order
to erect modern apartments and office buildings. The sale
of carved wooden house facades is unfortunately fairly
common.
At the initiative of some concerned citizens, the Ford
Foundation has recently sponsored a conservation study of
historic Ahmadabad. The listing of these houses and the
development of an appropriate conservation policy forms the
focus of this study which is currently being carried out by
the Municipal Corporation. |
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